Frisky Larr (M. A.)
Radio/Television Journalist/Communication Scientist
Govt. accredited Translator/Interpreter of the English language
Judicially sworn interpreter of English (Regional Court of Bochum)
Germany
International outcry began when signs of
the land reform became imminent. A highly divisive policy with which
Mugabe sought to wrest economic power from the whites, who have ever
since dominated economic life despite the loss of political power. Even
though this move is arguably badly flawed in an atmosphere of largely
incapable and poorly educated blacks taking over an agricultural
industry that was hitherto successfully run by whites, it was
nonetheless, highly popular amongst Zimbabweans and even far down into
South Africa. Obviously, British and by implication, American interest
was at stake. Tony Blair’s sudden drive to ostracize Robert Mugabe from
the international community should be seen in this light. This is
indeed, the central reasoning behind Thabo Mbeki’s refusal to endorse
internationally popular anti-Mugabe’s sentiments.
Blaming Mugabe too loud:
Where caution is needed! by Frisky Larr
What is Mugabe’s crime?
Keeping up and flying the flag of a traditional African leadership
mentality? A mentality that was brought to fame and notoriety, not the
least, through the highly controversial and immortalized symbol of
anti-imperialist nightmare of the West Idi Amin? A mentality that was
advanced by the likes of Mobutu Sese Seko, Gnasingbe Eyadema etc.?
Mugabe’s crime stands in the limelight of public focus today, not
because the West detests the crime or because western democracies no
longer wish to condone dictatorship and brutality. When the dust has
settled down, we will all for once understand that Robert Mugabe has
probably bitten the fingers that fed him at one point in history.
Indeed, as someone once
remarked, a wind of change swept through the whole of the African
continent, when sometime in 1980 a general election masterminded by
Great Britain and the Commonwealth swept the well-known
Maoist-inclined freedom fighter Robert Mugabe of the Zimbabwe African
National Union (ZANU) to power following decades of a bloody guerilla
struggle. In fact, the charismatic heavyweight race buster Joshua
Nkomo of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) was largely
expected to make the race in the election. He was unfortunately left
in the cold by the fragility of his ZAPU coalition.
Even though we all heaved a
sigh of relief throughout the continent at the time, in applauding the
demise of what was to become one of the final bastions of white
minority racism against blacks in Africa, the writing on the wall was
clear for all to see. Zambia that was detached from Rhodesia (then as
Northern Rhodesia) and Malawi both gained independence far earlier and
never stood out for lessons in democratic parlance. On the contrary,
Zambia declared a one-party state and Malawi had also decreed a
one-party state way back in 1966. Only a die-hard optimist would
indeed, have expected Mugabe to stand out in different colors at the
time.
On the contrary though, if
African leaders had known in 1980 that Robert Mugabe would constitute
such a blatant betrayal of the collective trust reposed in him by the
black race, many intellectual voices would have started crying out
words of caution in good time for the present unhealthy and
contemporarily incompatible manifestation. Armed with a Jesuit
education in a roman catholic parental background and higher education
in a reputable South African University, Mugabe has all it takes to
make an outstanding intellectual of his days.
Having missed out on early
post-independent warning signs radiated by neighboring countries,
well-wishing observers and critics should have seen the writing again
in 1983 when Mugabe dismissed his veteran and highly honored
comrade-in-arms Joshua Nkomo from his cabinet. In a fair and ordered
process of governance, both Mugabe and Nkomo would have had the right
to lay claims to the leadership of Zimbabwe by virtue of the scarifies
they both made in the struggle to free blacks from the fangs of
Apartheid Rhodesia led by Ian Smith. It soon however, became clear to
Joshua Nkomo that Robert Mugabe was not going to relieve power so
easily in favor of a reasonable rotation of leadership. Mugabe’s
military victory over Nkomo’s Ndebele tribal affiliates in Matabele
land was indeed, the final straw that broke the camel’s back. It was
indeed, Mugabe’s “License to kill”
Having routed out Nkomo (a
veteran political heavyweight of pre-independence acclaim)
successfully, who else would dare Mugabe? His achievements as a
guerilla fighter fresh in the mind of Zimbabweans and pitched against
his destruction of another great achiever does not seem to be making
up sufficient ingredients for a popular insurgency to catapult a
little-known Morgan Tsvangirai to the corridors of Zimbabwean
political power.
Morgan Tsvangirai who left
school only in 1974 (six years before independence) cannot look back
at any deeply rooted political achievement amongst his folks aside
from Trade Unionism and low-keyed party membership. Much as the
ordinary person in the street feels the pains of Mugabe’s one-man
show, it will take Morgan Tsvangirai far more than mere intellectually
upright exposure of Mugabe’s ultimate destruction of Zimbabwe, to
displace Mugabe from popular and even regional sympathy.
The reason is simple.
Morgan Tsvangirai’s main source of support is drawn from Great Britain
and the USA.
For a folk that has gone
through treachery in different forms and at the most unhealthy of
historical times, indigenous allies of these western powers that wield
the axes of being able to do and undo the collective destiny of the
African race, are also viewed with ardent suspicion.
Fresh in the mind of
Southern Africans are the likes of Bishop Abel Muzorewa and Reverend
Ndabaningi Sithole who teamed up with the racist Rhodesian government
of Ian Smith at the time and tried to form a black majority government
that was fully suspected of being subjected to the ultimate caprices
of white minority remote-controlling.
The hanky-panky
machinations of Buthelezi in South Africa are also one major fact that
is not forgotten in the region as a whole. While Buthelezi yet remains
integrated in the South African system in the interest of peace, it is
simply a question of time, when nemesis will be brought to bear on him
for his betrayal of black interest during the struggle against
apartheid.
Cautious regional powers
who like me, neither approve of Mugabe’s absolute stranglehold on
Zimbabwe nor of the use of fully unwarranted force and aggression on
Morgan Tsvangirai are no doubt, quietly asking, where Great Britain
and the USA stood when Mugabe demolished a veteran freedom fighter
like Joshua Nkomo. Then, it was probably, the Africans tearing
themselves apart. ‘The internal affairs of a sovereign state’ was
probably the title of a melodious piece that could be conveniently
echoed from the hymnbook of diplomacy.
The writing was on the wall
in 1987 when Mugabe abolished the office of Prime Minister and
installed himself as President with far-reaching powers. Where was
Great Britain? Mugabe was reelected in 1990 and in 1996 amid
opposition cry of foul play. International voices were muted.
International outcry began
when signs of the land reform became imminent. A highly divisive
policy with which Mugabe sought to wrest economic power from the
whites, who have ever since dominated economic life despite the loss
of political power. Even though this move is arguably badly flawed in
an atmosphere of largely incapable and poorly educated blacks taking
over an agricultural industry that was hitherto successfully run by
whites, it was nonetheless, highly popular amongst Zimbabweans and
even far down into South Africa. Obviously, British and by
implication, American interest was at stake. Tony Blair’s sudden drive
to ostracize Robert Mugabe from the international community should be
seen in this light. This is indeed, the central reasoning behind Thabo
Mbeki’s refusal to endorse internationally popular anti-Mugabe’s
sentiments.
While Morgan Tsvangirai
should have known better than drawing support only from a domestically
meaningless and less influential international constituency, Mugabe’s
own demise is indeed, a matter of time.
Mugabe simply refuses to
let in some amount of inspiration from Nelson Mandela, who till today
could have remained President of South Africa if he chose to. He is
stubbornly refusing to create a domestic atmosphere that is conducive
to democratic transition in an authentic sense and has ended up
alienating himself from a large section of the world community. Not
even the transition from one President to another in the person of
Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia several years before, was warning enough for
Mugabe.
While Tsvangirai stands a
chance of succeeding Mugabe as President, he should himself, be well
aware of the inherent risks he is facing amid the deep political
polarization in Zimbabwe, much to his own disfavor. Resilience and
pledging to stay the course in defiance may turn out to be more of a
liability to him than a blessing if he continues to be perceived as a
stooge of the west and probably, even financed by same. The region as
a whole, would detest nothing more than a western puppet installed in
the name of advancing democracy.
